| 
      
        | Life, After Dying Before Death |  
        | April, 2002 |  
        | Daryoush Homayoun |  I, caught in the trap, pretending deathLike the parrot who “died” and did escape
  Khaqani (12th century)
 
 
 As said by an English statesman, “In politics an afternoon could be a 
 Lifetime.” In my case the afternoon began with a telephone call from 
    Hoveyda, the Minister of the Imperial Court, in early January 1978. His 
    called to inform me that an urgent article was on its way to me. It was His 
    Majesty’s order to get the article published immediately.
 
 Next day, I was attending a convention of the Rastakhiz Party, as 
    chairperson of the by-laws committee. After lunch a group of party members 
    were gathered around me discussing different related issues. Mr. Ali 
    Ghafari the executive secretary of Hovayda, formerly holding the same 
    position when his boss was the Prime Minister, came forward and handed me 
    the envelope containing the urgent article. It was a large white envelope. 
    I was extremely busy at the time, and liable to forget the article and 
    leaving it somewhere. I noticed my friend, Mr. Ali Bastani, correspondent 
    from the Etela’at Newspaper and handed him the envelope to be delivered to 
    the newspaper editor-in-chief. It was at that moment that I noticed the 
    large gold seal of the Imperial Court. I opened the envelope and saw a few 
    typewritten pages; kept the envelope and returned the pages to Mr. 
    Bastani.
 
 The following day I was in the midst of a meeting at the Ministry when I 
    was interrupted by a call from Mr. Shahidi the chief editor of Etela’at. 
    He asked, “Do you know what is the content of the article that you had 
    sent to me”. Of course I did not know anything since I had not read the 
    article. Mr. Shahidi continued, “It is an attack on Khomeiny!” My answer 
    was, “It does not matter. It was an order from higher up and has to be 
    published.” The editor replied in distress, “To publish this article would 
    result in people attacking and setting the newspaper office in Qom (the 
    most important religious center in Iran) on fire.” I simply replied that 
    there was no other choice, and that he was aware where the order came from. 
    “Why should we publish this article?” he insisted. I Replied That “somebody 
    has to do it and Etela’at has benefited most in the past.”
 
 A couple of hours later, the Prime Minister Dr. Jamshid Amouzegar called 
    me. He wanted to know the story regarding the article. Mr. Farhad Massoudi 
    the Etela’at publisher-owner had called the Prime Minister questioning the 
    wisdom of the content of the article. I simply answered that it was an 
    order that it be published. He agreed by saying that of course it must be 
    published. So two days later the article appeared in an inside page. As 
    anticipated by Mr. Shahidi, a group of religious students attacked the 
    newspaper office in Qom. Still worse there was a mass demonstration in that 
    city. Six people were killed as the result of the military over-reacting 
    and using combat ammunition instead of tear gas to disperse the mob.
 
 The article was read by a handful of people. But the killings sparked a 
    series of anti Regime demonstrations and acts of violence. In a few months 
    the violence and atrocities culminated in setting afire a movie house, 
    Cinema Rex in Abadan. In that wanton act by the Islamic terrorists, some 
    470 people were suffocated to death. This incident totally broke the spirit 
    of the Shah, setting a trend of making ill-advised concessions, withdrawal, 
    and eventual surrender. His every move was to weaken his own position and 
    reinforcing the dissidents that fast became full-fledged revolutionaries. 
    Our cabinet was forced to resign after that catastrophe. The next three 
    cabinets, replacing each other in rapid succession, did only what Khomeiny 
    and his ever-increasing devout followers could only expect in their wildest 
    drams. This policy of emboldening the revolutionaries went as far as 
    arresting a number of key former officials. Of course a great deal of old 
    personal and political accounts were being settled in this operation as 
    well. My turn came with the second and much larger wave, when the so-called 
    military cabinet was appointed as a bulwark against the revolutionary tide. 
    It was its one decisive act and people in no time recognized the real 
    nature of the men with iron fist. The Military cabinet was as an old 
    Persian fable recounts, a donkey in the hide of a lion. It broke all 
    records in begging the opposition’s understanding.
 
 A few days after my resignation as the Minister of Information and Tourism, 
    Etela’at published a scathing article exaggerating and falsifying my role 
    in the fore-mentioned episode. The paper did not make the slightest 
    reference to the fact that the publication of that article was ordered by 
    the Shah in response to Khomeiny’s attack on him. A few weeks before that 
    Khomeiny’s elder son had died in Iraq and the SAVAK (Security) was falsely 
    blamed for his death. Khomeiny from his exile in Iraq and some of his 
    followers in Qom, openly and from the pulpit attacked the Shah and called 
    for his abdication. In Tehran the bazaar merchants and the Shah’s 
    opposition arranged for a big memorial service for him, just to demonstrate 
    public opposition to the Shah.
 
 The Shah’s policy as usual was to retaliate with similar articles. He 
    always wanted to pay in kind and was hoping to damage Khomeiny. Etela’at 
    of course knew perfectly well that the author of the article was a veteran 
    journalist, turned businessman, another Ali, who was working with the press 
    office of the Court Minister; but I would have made a better target and 
    less dangerous. 
 
 Henceforth I became the enemy of the people who were gradually becoming 
    Khomeiny worshipers. Not one in a thousand of them had even read the 
    article in question. As the poet said, “ I was the target of destiny”. My 
    friends insisted that I should leave the country, but I refused to take 
    flight. In spite of threatening remarks and calls, I stayed home and people 
    came in groups to see me for different reasons. During those days the new 
    Minister of Information and Tourism called me about the article. I told him 
    as I had told the Shah’s office that I was not going to involve the Court 
    in this matter, and that I would not answer any of the accusations in the 
    press. I visited Hovayda twice. In our last visit he told me that both our 
    names were on the same list. A few days later I received a prank telephone 
    call, which I attributed to making sure that I was still in the country and 
    had not escaped. 
 
 THE ARREST
 
 Two weeks later, a day in October 1978, my wife and I were invited to have 
    lunch at the house of my good friend Mr. Mahmoud Kashefi, the former 
    Minister Without Portfolio. There were other former colleagues including 
    Dr. Amouzegar. One o’clock in the afternoon Tehran Radio &Television 
    announced a message from the Shah. The military cabinet had been installed. 
    We sat with our eyes fixed on the screen at the Shah’s image, thin and 
    broken down, reading from a statement with difficulty. The message, on the 
    wake of announcing the Military cabinet that had already shook the 
    opposition, was no less than raising the white flag. The Shah was telling 
    people that he had heard their revolutionary message, and was begging them 
    to be kind enough to let him fight along with them against what actually 
    was his own past. In fact the essence of the speech was to assure the 
    revolutionaries that they have nothing to fear from the military cabinet.
 
 None of us present had any idea what to say. Bewildered, we bid good-bye 
    and went home. At one o’clock in the morning the servant knocked at our 
    bedroom door to wake us up, saying that a group of people had come to the 
    door to see me. I dressed and went down, knowing what was it all about. At 
    the foot of the stairs I saw three men waiting. They told me that they had 
    something to discuss with me for a few hours. It was then that I woke up 
    from my indifferent negligence during the past three months. I realized 
    that my end was in sight and that I had to be careful and depend on my good 
    luck. I said good-bye to my wife, who spent the next 12 hours calling in 
    vain the authorities. Outside, I was conducted to a car followed by an 
    armed military jeep. One of the men in the car called his superior and 
    informed him that he had arrested me.
 
 My prison was in the Military Police headquarters at Jamshidabad barracks. 
    It was a large room with beds separated by a small chest of drawers. I saw 
    about fifteen detainees from former high military and political figures, 
    and a few lower ranked functionaries who had been arrested that same night. 
    The first night was spent in conversation. Next day the families brought 
    the necessities for the prisoners. Some days later the first group of 
    former political and military leaders, who had been arrested in the first 
    wave, were brought from the city police prison to join us. Eventually we 
    were provided with better accommodations, such as small individual cells, 
    that a great many army officers had occupied before. Our meals were the 
    same as the army officers. A few people had their meals brought from home. 
    Prison uniforms, something on the order of cut-down army uniform were 
    issued. I was the only person who wore the prison uniform. Other prisoners 
    sent their laundry home to be washed. There were a few sentries on watch 
    and to carry our occasional requests and to shop for us. The attitude 
    towards us was a mixture pf prisoner and ex-cabinet minister. Twice a week 
    we could have visitors in the presence of the officer in charge.
 
 Seasoned and substantial men, as those ex leaders were, they in general 
    kept their spirit and composure. But after the Shah left the country, the 
    bitterness could very well be detected in those who had served him and the 
    country for a lifetime, and had clean records. From then on they were at 
    the mercy of their long and sworn political and ideological enemies. A few 
    started to write their defense. As an example was the account written by 
    late Mansur Rouhani, a former minister both of energy and agriculture. This 
    that I read years later is about the development of agriculture in Iran 
    after the Land Reform. It is a valuable document and should be published. 
 
 One of the prisoners, the Deputy Mayor of Tehran, happened to have an 
    identical name to that of the former head of the guild Hall. The Deputy 
    was an honest simple man, contrary to the other one. He followed the 
    cleric Khoee in Najaf, and kept reading his book ‘Explanation of 
    Problems’. It was the only thing he read. Apparently he had been 
    imprisoned, instead of his namesake, who had strong SAVAK connections, 
    intentionally. A couple of times we asked him to read parts of the book for 
    us. He stopped reading for us when he saw our uncontrolled laughter. After 
    that, every evening, we would force him to give us the book and entertained 
    ourselves by reading it. Never before did we have time to make the 
    acquaintance of such things. We could not believe that these were the 
    people who had defeated us, and how was it possible for our nation, under 
    the leadership of their intelligentsia, to long for the government of such 
    characters in preference to us? 
 
 Two former cabinet Ministers who were among the original designers of the 
    strategy of sacrificing to the altar of the revolution, themselves fell in 
    their own trap – one of them at the last weeks of the Monarchy. Nobody 
    spoke to them, except Dr. Abdolazim Valyan, A dear friend and former 
    Minister and Governor General, who indirectly gave them some of his famous 
    tongue-lashings. Dr. Manuchehr Azmoun, one of the two, who was arrested at 
    the same time as myself, showed where his hope and loyalty resided. His 
    morale went up and down with any success or setback of the revolutionary 
    movement. He saw his future in the hands of the clerics. When he escaped 
    from prison he went to the next leading mullah, Taleghani, at his own will, 
    and straight to the firing squad. 
 
 After reading a few books from the prison library, notably the excellent 
    Persian translation of Moby Dick, by late Parviz Dariush – a great 
    experience -- I spent a great deal of my time reading the books that 
    reached me in prison. This was an immense opportunity to benefit from the 
    time on hand. But the political events in the outside world, moving so 
    fast, were forcing us to follow and analyze them. Dr. Freydoun Mahdavi, the 
    ex-Minister of Commerce, a very good friend and a man consumed by politics, 
    and I had our ears tuned to the news and our eyes fixed on any newspaper 
    that we could lay our hands on. What we could see was the sheer 
    hopelessness of our situation. Whoever the winner in the unfolding 
    conflict, we were the certain losers. 
 
 We had been arrested under Martial Law. We were not accused of any wrong 
    doing, but the talk in the Parliament and the press was about our 
    execution. The Bakhtiar government tried, but failed, to make a case 
    against us. Besides time ran out on them. A team of prosecutors from the 
    military Intelligence, were stationed near our prison and started 
    questioning us. But there was no charge and it went nowhere. The head of 
    SVAK did what he could to use the fake list of people who had moved foreign 
    currency out of Iran against us. This list was the brainchild of the 
    (later) secretary General of the National Democratic Front with cooperation 
    of a few employees in the Central Bank. All told, the political and 
    psychological pressure for our execution was coming from every direction. A 
    ruling elite that was steadily losing ground over the past six months, and 
    unable to have any strategy, saw the easiest way out in making a group who 
    for whatever reason, had become the escape goat of a failed regime. (It is 
    ironic that fewer of us were executed, than those who wanted to sacrifice 
    us so that they could hold on to their seats.)
 
 By the end of the fall, there was no doubt in my mind that the end had come 
    for us, if not sooner than the regime. We saw on television hundreds of 
    thousands of people filling the streets shouting “Death to….” Later the 
    same crowd believed and assured everyone else that the entire uprising was 
    a foreign plot. We saw multitudes of men and women all over the country, 
    shorn of logic and reason in their unquestioning devotion, their Rancor 
    giving way to barbarity, they were ready to fall down into whatever abyss 
    their Imam was leading them. The political leadership, which paralyzed by 
    fear, in its sheer cynicism, and in an environment devoid of any moral 
    considerations and common sense was not even able to act in its own self 
    interest. With unbelievable cowardice and shabbiness it was pushing the 
    splendid vessel of the imperial government to the rocks. We were looking at 
    a society experiencing its worst historical period, as far as the eye could 
    look back to the distant millennia, since this time it was a disaster of 
    its own making. What hope there was amid such ignorance and 
    vindictiveness?
 
 FAMILY DEBATE 
 
 I was insisting for some time that my wife leave the country, arguing that 
    it would be even good for me. With her in Iran I would be traced and 
    trapped. She would not consent. She had stayed to defend me if necessary in 
    the highest court of authority, the royal household and the parliament. She 
    repeatedly would ask “What will happen to you?” I would jokingly reply, “I 
    would wear a turban and go to Khomein (Khomeiny’s home town) and preach. I 
    had grown a beard from the first day. I am not sure whether it was from 
    being lazy or that I had an intuition that it would come in handy some day. 
    No doubt in my innermost I was hoping to escape.
 
 The combination of several factors in the family came to my assistance. Our 
    older daughter, adamant not to leave, found that she was expecting a child; 
    our son-in-law had to go to Switzerland to attend to his dying father. So 
    my wife and daughter left the country six days before the Shah. Her 
    intention was to return home to Iran. The ordeal of their departure is a 
    good example of the declining state of affairs in Iran at that time. With 
    all the connections of my wife with the royal family, she had to prove with 
    a great deal of difficulty that she had not taken money out of the country 
    and her name on the faked list had no significance. She departed with only 
    the clothes on her back. 
 
 The defection of soldiers began in the middle of autumn. The morale in the 
    army was generally very low. The army did not have sufficient fuel supply 
    to heat the barracks. In the wake of the strike by the oil company workers 
    the barracks were not heated. (We kept ourselves warm by walking around the 
    prison). There was no gasoline. Walking around the compound we noticed many 
    stalled tanks and other vehicles sitting idle. Outside in the streets the 
    soldiers were either hapless spectators, or once in a while in extreme 
    anger would aim their machine guns at the demonstrators. Six hundred 
    soldiers ran away from our barracks. We tried to persuade our guardians not 
    to defect!
 
 On February 12, 1979, the day of the final collapse of the old regime, 
    about three o’clock in the afternoon we heard the noise and movement of a 
    large crowd outside. Someone in our group climbed on the heating radiator 
    in order to be able to look outside through the window. He told us that a 
    group around two to three hundred people were gathered at the entrance of 
    the barracks, that already had a large sign hang at the gate reading, “The 
    Islamic barracks of Jamshidabad.” We also heard good many of shots being 
    exchanged. Some of the shots even reached us making holes in the walls. 
    According to the accounts of the prison guards, the shooting started 
    because at the beginning the demonstrators approached the base with 
    friendly, brotherhood slogans. Once inside the premises, they lured the 
    soldiers and tried to disarm them, and the shooting and throwing hand 
    grenades started. The leftist groups had been attacking and storming army 
    barracks and polices stations for some time, trying to arm themselves for 
    their next bid for power. Some of the shots came from the apartments across 
    the barracks, occupied by the revolutionaries.
 
 Dr. Shaykh-ol Eslami Zadeh, the former Minister of Health and a co prisoner 
    was hard at work attending the wounded soldiers. He did not take the 
    opportunity to escape, and was captured by the attackers. He remained for 
    many years in the Islamic prison. At about six o’clock in the evening a few 
    of the remaining soldiers came and opened the doors announcing that the 
    prisoners were free by the order of the revolutionaries. We went downstairs 
    and joined some six to seven hundred army personnel who had been prisoners. 
    I dressed properly and put on my reading glasses that bothered me. My thick 
    beard disguised my well-recognized television face. The early darkness of 
    winter nights came to our aid. A large group of army prisoner came out 
    chanting, ‘La elaha el allah’ (There is only one God). Soon they retreated 
    in fear of flying bullets. We who preferred death to a second captivity, 
    left with the second wave. I bent down and walked as fast as I could. The 
    compound was dark except for the headlight from some cars outside. Somebody 
    in the crowd asked “Is Hovayda here?” “No. He is in another place,” another 
    one answered. One or two men stared at me but they did not recognize me.
 
 From our group, General Nassiri the former chief of SAVAK who was in in a 
    room away from us, always in deep grief, and not speaking to anyone; Gholam 
    Reza Nikpey the former Mayor of Tehran known for not getting along with 
    others, and Lt. General Sadri the former head of the Police, were possibly 
    arrested right there by the revolutionaries. Rohani and Dr. Gholamreza 
    Kianpour, a dear friend and one of the best civil servants of that era, 
    were later on arrested. The last one, as mentioned before, turned himself 
    in voluntarily. They were all executed. I do not know how many of the 
    revolutionaries of that evening survived their victory. 
 
 Home
 
  I took to the narrow, empty streets towards a main thoroughfare to find a 
    taxi. More than once I noticed some young men carrying firearms from cars 
    into apartments. I decided to go home and did not desire to impose on 
    anybody unexpectedly. I was hoping and counting that nobody would think of 
    me in that on-going chaos. I knew I could depend on the loyalty and secrecy 
    of my household staff and the watchmen of our neighborhood. They were like 
    members of family. I stood in front of Laleh Park in Amirabad waiting for a 
    taxi that never came. A young man was also waiting along with me. The 
    streets were full of cars and trucks filled with young people who were 
    happily celebrating and a few who waved their guns in the air. It was the 
    end of us, and the beginning of their end. A Volkswagen stopped and the 
    driver said that he was going towards Mahmoudiyeh. I sat in the front 
    seat. The taxi-driver would not accept money when I reached for my pocket 
    to pay and seemed annoyed. It was a gift of brotherhood, in the general 
    spirit of the moment. The other passenger gave him a bullet for a souvenir. 
    A short distance away another young man hailed for a ride. He was going to 
    Mahmoudiyeh also. I got out of the taxi to let the new passenger into the 
    back seat. Getting in and out of the vehicle put me more in view of the 
    first passenger.
 
 When the taxi reached the turn into Mahmoudiyeh, the first young man and I 
    got out. He turned to me and said, “Are you Mr. Homayoun?” I said, “yes.” 
    “What are you doing here?” I told him that people stormed the prison and 
    told us that we had not done anything. “Yes.” he continued, “You have not 
    done anything, but put on your glasses.” He was right. I had continuously 
    taken my glasses off, since they hurt my eyes. Another car gave us a ride 
    to Tajrish Bridge. Long after, I heard that the driver had been a friend of 
    one of my brothers, and had told him about this encounter. At Tajrish 
    Bridge we both waited for a ride. A car passed and my friend yelled, 
    “Abbas”. The car stopped. There were two young men inside. We sat in the 
    back seat. One of the friends turned to my fellow passenger and said in a 
    scolding way, “Where have you been? In Eshratabad we got this baby.” He 
    handed a Usi submachine gun to his friend as I looked at both of them with 
    bemused apprehension. We reached the Tajrish Baazar. I got out, thanking 
    them profusely. Another free ride took me to a few blocks away from my 
    house. That first night was a prelude to my moving from place to place for 
    many years to come. 
 
 I have repeated the story of the young man to dozens of people with the 
    hope of finding him. Several years later in Washington, my good friend Dr. 
    Asa’ad-Nezami recalled, “The fellow that saved your life saved me too.” The 
    story goes that during the first week of the Revolution Dr. Asaad-Nezami 
    was caught in a heated discussion with a group standing in front of the 
    University of Tehran. He had made the remark that the era of monarchy was 
    not all that bad. If the young man had not come to his rescue, and 
    introduced him as true believer of the Revolution, my friend would have had 
    to deal with the Committee and even worse places. The young man had told 
    him, “You are the second man that I have saved. I also told Homayoun to put 
    on his glasses!”
 
 The watchmen of our neighborhood looked at me but they did not say 
    anything. The cook was the only person left in the house. At first he did 
    not recognizes me. It was late at night and I was not hungry but extremely 
    thirsty, as if the agitation of the past few hours must have dried up all 
    the water in my body. The cook said that the city water had been poisoned 
    -- another of the countless rumors of those days. I kept drinking water and 
    looking over the house and did not know what to do. I never thought that I 
    would set foot in my house again. During the three and a half months of 
    imprisonment, the people and the system that I was a part of, were hard 
    trying to do away with me. I had slowly resigned to death or at least a 
    life of a wanderer. The escape of my colleagues and myself from death was 
    like the miracle of Poland. During World War I no matter what, Poland was 
    doomed. It did not make any difference if Germany or Russia won the war. 
    The result would have been loss for Poland in both cases. Nevertheless, 
    against all logic, Russia was defeated first and Germany afterwards. The 
    same happened to us. The first enemy was the last governments of the 
    imperial regime, which collapsed before ending our lives. The second enemy 
    was the armed revolutionary groups that in a state of ecstasy, being able 
    to have their long awaited armed struggle, and using their deadly toys, 
    were not patient enough to wait and catch us in our cage like birds. To 
    their regret they came to our rescue and set us free.
 
 The only thing that occurred to me was to destroy names and addresses of 
    our friends and family. I contacted a friend through my father, and made an 
    appointment for the next morning early. Late at night the phone rang asking 
    for the cook in a very rude tone of voice. I replied that we did not have 
    such a person. A few minutes later the call came again. This time I 
    answered in English and said that it was the wrong number. The caller 
    imitated me in English. I pulled out the telephone cord. Henceforth worry 
    did not and would not leave me. I called one of my neighbors, a former 
    colleague in the government, and asked him if I could spend the night at 
    his house. I had a good rest there that night. I told the cook not to 
    expect me. The next day I took my two passports, a small suitcase and left 
    the house, that does not exist any more, forever. A friend informed my wife 
    that I have had safely escaped. On that day the fear of death left me. From 
    that moment no fear was going to stop me from my goal. I should have died 
    then; each day was one day more than my share. The dangers encountered 
    later on the way out of Iran were not taken but as daily events. Never 
    again did I feel as thirsty as that night.
 
 PLACE TO PLACE
 
 I spent the first week in a small apartment near the Radio-Television 
    Station. The former occupants of the apartment had moved somewhere else. 
    There was constant traffic of armed militia in and out of this 
    neighborhood, along with the sound of a great deal of shooting. One day I 
    saw the militia take over the street. Some had climbed on the rooftops. 
    Looking through the curtain into the street, I could hear the armed men 
    talking through the microphone. I was not sure what I was going to do, 
    should they come inside the apartment. I was determined not to fall in 
    their hands. I was not going to tolerate the humiliation of being subject 
    to the Revolutionary functionaries. Finally they left in half an hour. 
    Apparently their prey was a police officer. In the evenings it was a 
    torture to see on the television the sadistic investigation sessions of the 
    former cabinet ministers and wounded and desperate generals being 
    humiliated by that certain Iranian-American Doctor, a member of the 
    Revolutionary Council who was both “nationalist and religious.” It was not 
    long before the parade of the bullet-ridden bodies at the Refah School 
    (where Khomeiny was residing) came to view. Soon it was the turn of my 
    friends and colleagues. All these events have embittered my soul, hurting 
    to this day. I still feel a deep pain, whenever I hear the song ‘Happy 
    Spring’ that was repeatedly broadcast on Tehran Radio-Television. That tune 
    was so inappropriate in that blood stained winter that was befalling over 
    Iran.
 
 My next abode lasted another three to four months, in the house of a 
    friend. One day the militia occupied the office of Ayandegan Newspaper 
    that I had established. My father was the treasurer of the paper. He was 
    arrested with a group of employees during the takeover. He knew of my 
    whereabouts, so I decided to move to another place. My host contacted a 
    friend and I moved during the night. My new host had sent his wife and 
    children abroad. A poster of a smiling Khomeiny was hung on the wall. The 
    explanation was to laugh at his own stupidity each time that he looked at 
    the picture. A few days later my former host came very disturbed, since the 
    militia had raided his house twice, once while he was away and another time 
    when he was at home. The reason being that he was mistaken as one of the 
    big capitalists. It took a long time for him to prove that he had inherited 
    the house from his father, with same name but no relations to the 
    capitalist, and long dead. Thanks to the cautionary measures we had taken, 
    since my escape -- rare visits and absolutely no telephone calls -- my 
    father succeeded to prove to the investigators that he did not know where I 
    could be. His most effective argument had been that I knew that they would 
    go to him first. My life was spared once more. If they had not arrested my 
    father… 
 
 It was in the fall of 1979 when I moved to an apartment that a friend had 
    rented for me in his own name. He visited me regularly and supplied my 
    daily needs. This was my last home until I ran away from Iran. In all, I 
    was fifteen months in hiding. During this time I had plenty of time to 
    think, and more time to read. I read more than 200 different works such as 
    complete dramatic works of Bernard Shaw, Ibsen and Strindberg; theater 
    substituting for the actual world that was beyond my reach. I also devoured 
    most of Saul Bellow’s novels, and many others. I had learned since the 
    prison blackouts to read by candlelight, moving the candle over each line. 
    I made up for my past recklessness and did not forego any caution. The very 
    few friends that were in touch with me had started the rumor that I had 
    gone to the United States. I did not even contact my sister and my two 
    brothers who lived in Tehran. I left them without any news of me. I made no 
    telephone calls to anyone, a habit I have kept even after I left Iran. It 
    has been more than twenty years, but I do not desire to cause any problem 
    for anyone. In all those months and regardless of the false rumors, the 
    authorities continued their search for me, questioned everyone they could; 
    even my enemies who would have been willing to give me away. 
 
 My life was similar to the story of “The Three Fish” in the fables of 
    Kalileh and Dameneh. The three in a pond one day saw some men looking at 
    the water. One of them sensed the danger and threw itself out of the pond 
    and into the stream nearby. Next day the men came again with their net. The 
    second fish acted as lifeless and one of the men took and threw it away and 
    the fish also made its way to the stream. The third one wandered around in 
    panic and was caught. Shedding the fear of death had made me optimistic. I 
    was confident that I would be spared from all dangers. When I bid good-bye 
    to my father for the last time he observed that there was a great deal of 
    work awaiting me in the future. I believed in his judgment. I sensed that 
    perhaps the second life that I was granted was to leave behind my first 
    life that died on that winter night when the gates of the army barracks 
    opened. As said by Sanaee ( 11th century poet ) I had died before death 
    came, and the first gift of a second life is freedom. I did not see my 
    father again. He died after eleven years without ever seeing me. At least I 
    accomplished a few of his expectations. He was content to live his final 
    years living through and inside me. I think of him often and he is still 
    alive in me.
 
 It was during these months that I realized that I was unable to return to 
    be what I was before. Therefore I ventured on an extensive remaking of 
    myself, which still continues to this day. I died on the eve of the 
    Revolution. Hundreds of thousands of people would have loved to see me 
    dead. There was the daily danger of falling into the hands of the militia. 
    It was then that I made the resolution to begin a new life built in the 
    depth of where fear and death had once invaded me. I decided to forget the 
    past and avoid being handicapped by it. I have achieved my goal beyond 
    expectations. Unfortunately I have also forgotten names and faces and many 
    memories. But I have been able to face with greater freedom any new 
    circumstance ahead of me. 
 
 Slowly I realized the great value that came out of my arrest. If I had not 
    been imprisoned and forced to stay undercover, my death would have been 
    inevitable – I was too outspoken and politically active in the fight 
    against the leftists and Islamic radicals. I had been a target of terrorism 
    long before the revolution. My enemies had twice planted bombs in the 
    office of Ayandegan, my newspaper. Had I not gone through the two years of 
    1978-1980, it would have taken me longer to be reborn, if a highly 
    successful active life would have allowed me – a man who usually thinks by 
    action -- time for pure thinking at all.
  
 ESCAPE
 
 In the course of the past 15 months I sent only one short letter to my wife 
    through a friend who was going to Europe. The short message was a true 
    picture of me at that time. The words came out of the depth of my soul: A 
    spirit hardened and stilled; no remorse, no sorrow, no grudges, no debt to 
    anybody; no apology for the past, no fear of the future. A present 
    submerged in books. With the hope of, “One fine day…”
 
 I was not thinking very much about leaving Iran. I was afraid of being 
    captured, since I had so many enemies and I could be easily recognized. A 
    few months went by, and the revolutionary ardor was cooling down. 
 My decision to remain in Iran became firmer. I was counting on the opening 
    of schools and universities and the expected mass demonstrations by the 
    disillusioned youth, that could bring the shaky rule of the revolutionaries 
    to an end. The American Embassy hostage incident put an end to all my 
    calculations. Once more the Iranian intelligentsia proved their unlimited 
    ability to self-deception and wrong headedness. Khomeiny gave them a puppet 
    to play with, while consolidating his own power. It was at that time that I 
    contacted an old friend who, despite his unique place in my life, had been 
    kept in dark over my whereabouts, for arranging my second escape. Dr. Zia 
    Modarress was a brave patriot, a personification of loyalty. He remained 
    in Iran in that dangerous atmosphere in spite of being advised by our 
    friends and me especially to leave. The executioners captured him. In the 
    courtroom he defended himself bravely to the point of making the clerics 
    angry. He faced the firing squad as a hero. If he had listened to our 
    advice and had left Iran, how much further we would have been in the battle 
    against the mullahs.
  *** Departure time was set around Nowrooz, being a busy time with more 
    traffic. Dr. Moddaress was the kind of man whose circle of friends was not 
    just from one region or a particular social class. He brought a Kurdish 
    gentleman from Western Azarbaijan to my place. I gave him my passport so 
    that he could obtain entrance visa on my part at the frontier of Turkey. We 
    set six o’clock in the evening of a certain day to meet in the city of 
    Orumieh (Rezayye) in the square under the Municipal Building clock. Before 
    my departure I dyed my beard and hair light brown. I resembled one of those 
    central-European professors. With my special glasses on I could not be 
    recognized easily. There were three fellow travelers with me. On the way to 
    Orumiyeh our two cars faced many technical problems. In the city of Khoy a 
    small truck fully loaded, hit one of our cars which caused a great deal of 
    shouting from the truck driver wanting to take us to the Committee. It was 
    his fault but we paid him so that he would leave us alone. All along, the 
    highway between Tehran and Tabriz on both sides was filled with abandoned, 
    half built industrial projects. A people who had preferred the Islamic 
    Revolution, had suffocated an Industrial Revolution!
 We reached the city square under the clock with an hour and a half delay. 
    It was already dark and no one was expecting us. We waited around for a 
    while. Finally I sent one of the cars to our guide’s house to find out. The 
    news was that our guide to be was arrested the night before, charged with 
    smuggling firearms. His wife said that my passport was safe in the village 
    and did not fall into the hand of the Committee. (In most cities, 
    neighborhood hoodlums and thugs formed the committees. For years they 
    operated as police and court of justice. Today they occupy a branch of the 
    law and order apparatus and operate as they please.) It was late and the 
    roads were not safe, we decided to spend the night in a hotel. We took two 
    rooms. It was dangerous for me to go to a hotel, because of my job in the 
    past, most of the hotel people should have known me, but I had no choice. I 
    showed the copy of the fake birth certificate. If the hotelkeeper 
    recognized me, I don’t know because he did not say anything. One could see 
    perfectly well in his face how disgusted he was with Islamic regime and the 
    Islamic Regime and the rule mullahs and thugs. The return to Tehran was 
    free of any unexpected event. We had a good lunch at the neat, still well 
    run hotel from the era of Ministry of Information and Tourism. A European 
    lady and her two beautiful Dalmatians were also having lunch. The 
    Revolution had not matured as yet.
 
 The next attempt was in May of 1980. This time Dr. Modarress came with a 
    former member of the Parliament. After the usual pleasantries, the 
    gentleman said, “I suppose you don’t recognize me. I am the same person 
    whose name you left out of the list of candidates to represent the 
    Rastakhiz Party.” I still did not recognize him, but he was telling the 
    truth. I was at the chair of the election committee for Azarbaijan, during 
    the 1975 elections. In order to bring new blood into the Parliament, we 
    took out the names of many former deputies, landowners, and influential 
    people from of the list of candidates. My point was to break down the 
    political machines and make more room for change.
 
 I had nothing to say. The surprise made me laugh in embarrassment. The man 
    himself soon came to my rescue and started to discuss the main purpose of 
    his visit. He demanded a certain amount to take me to Turkey. It was much 
    more than what I had on hand. I told him my price and he accepted 
    wholeheartedly and said “ Mr. Homayoun requests something for once, there 
    is no room for argument.” Later I asked the same gentleman to help three of 
    my friends out of Iran. We became good friends though we have not been able 
    to see each other. I gave him my diplomatic passport - a leftover from my 
    official trips to Austria and Turkey in 1978, to secure the border 
    crossing. We set a date for the middle of May. When I entered the car I 
    noticed another passenger in the front seat. He made a discreet 
    acknowledgement while sinking his head more inside his overcoat. We made a 
    stop by the roadside near the thick jungle approaching the city of Ahar for 
    my friend, who had come to help me through, in the other car to catch up 
    with us. He did not show up, so we continued. During this stop while 
    admiring the hand planted forest, the other passenger in the car 
    recognized me from my voice and his anxiety increased. He was Mr. Akbar 
    Lajevardian a well-known industrialist, who was running away because of the 
    crime of establishing a huge acrylic factory in Esfahan.
 
 In the afternoon we came upon a dirt road on the way to Salmas (Shapour) 
    towards the frontier of Turkey. Some distance down the road we reached a 
    jeep that was making a lot of dust in front of us, and would not give us 
    way to pass. Suddenly the jeep put on the breaks and our car rear-ended the 
    jeep very hard. The hood of the BMW was damaged. Three bearded men wearing 
    semi military overalls and carrying machine guns came out of the jeep. I 
    came out of the car first acting very calmly as did the other two. Our cool 
    attitude was our best help.
 
 The Pasdaran (revolutionary guards) spoke in Turkish to the Guid who was 
    protesting, asking him why was he chasing them, and that they almost 
    started shooting at us. The driver explained the situation, while they 
    looked at us with suspicion. They asked who we were and what we do. We had 
    decided ahead of time to pretend as a businessman, and an engineer looking 
    for a marble mine. They seem to know our guide. This information did not 
    satisfy them, they wanted to inspect our belongings. We had very little 
    that was any use to them. The driver translated this information to us 
    later. All told, the militia let us go and kept following us. A change in 
    our plans was essential at this time. Instead of going to our appointed 
    meeting place we went to a small village, stopped and asked for information 
    about the marble mine from a young guy on a bicycle. The guy insisted that 
    there was not such a mine in this area, but we kept pointing in different 
    directions. This act apparently satisfied the Pasdaran and they finally 
    left. Immediately we left for our original rendezvous at the edge of the 
    river with the Kurdish guides. 
 
 Our driver was shaken and now trembling. As he saw the jeep with a few 
    people sitting around it, he decided to turn around and go away. I 
    questioned his decision. In response he said that they might be the 
    militia and shoot us. Obviously he could not judge properly because he was 
    so frightened. He took us to his place and we had a worried lunch. An hour 
    later the Kurdish guide came and started an angry discussion. It was agreed 
    for us to follow them. As soon as we approaches the same dirt road, the 
    militia’s jeep appeared in the distance and they started to talk to the 
    Kurds. We turned back in a hurry to the guide’s home, in great anguish. In 
    the next room I saw a large poster of the Mujahedin (a religious 
    revolutionary group now mainly working from Iraq,) a fact that made us 
    worry even more. The Kurdish guides came back, upset, wanting to know what 
    was going on. We managed to satisfy them. Since night was approaching, we 
    told them that tomorrow our guide would get in touch with them. We spent 
    the night without being able to sleep. Our worries were unnecessary since 
    the Pasdaran had not seen us at all. We were saved for the second time.
 
 I told the guide that as it is said in English ‘I am a hot potato. Don’t 
    hold me in your hand too long’. It is better to contact the guides as soon 
    as possible. However he did not want to be seen with us any more. Finally 
    it occurred to him to ask the head of the town’s Committee for help. He was 
    a famous scoundrel. Our guide said that in the past he had rescued him from 
    jail many times, and the man owes him a few favors.
 
 The head of the Committee was a perfect example of the “new class” in 
    looks, behavior and language. The first thing that he did was to go 
    through our small suitcases, which did not have anything for him either. 
    We told the story that we were factory owners and tired of disorder and 
    bribery; so we left everything behind and wanted to leave. He promised to 
    return in the afternoon. Our guide promised two thousand dollars, and later 
    made new arrangement with the Kurdish guides. In the afternoon we said 
    goodbye to our host and left with the head of the Committee in his latest 
    German model car. We traveled for an hour without any incident until we 
    reached the Kurd’s jeep coming from the opposite direction. We transferred 
    to the jeep and thanked the Committeeman.
 
 There were two guides, each wearing side arms with a hand grenade hung from 
    the belt. We drove as far as a small river where two men with two horses 
    were waiting for us. The head of the party who knew me very well handed me 
    my passport saying, “Fight against the regime.” I answered, “Partly that is 
    my purpose for leaving.” We said good by and with their help I managed to 
    mount. One of our guides joined us. He and the owner of the animals each 
    took the rein and we set out. 
 
 THE LAST STRETCH
 
 I had never ridden a horse before, and was slightly uneasy looking down 
    from that height. Our Kurdish friends were having fun looking at me. I 
    looked down and noticed that four feet were negotiating the water in a 
    perfect way. I felt better, and waved at the Kurds and smiled. In a little 
    while I became one of them. We came upon a sky-high mountain. We were told 
    that we would soon climb that mountain. It was hard to believe. In three 
    hours we reached the summit with many stops. I insisted on stopping and 
    letting the horses to rest. They claimed that a horse never gets tired. But 
    I could feel the animal’s heavy heart beat under my legs. Mr. Lajevardian 
    was riding a younger horse. Sweat was running down his body like rain.
 
 Many times the animals slipped on the rocks towards the bottomless ravine. 
    But I had confidence in my horse. Along with the dogs, the horses were the 
    most revered animals for ancient Iranians. I also had confidence in our 
    Kurdish guides. In all my experiences with them I saw nothing but honesty. 
    Climbing a mountain on horseback was an adventure not to be repeated. This 
    was the dividing line between Iran and Turkey. It probably was a point that 
    Ata Turk and Reza Shah had agreed on being the frontier dividing line 
    ending a centuries’ old dispute. We were out of Iran. The horses were 
    treading through fields of wild rhubarb. We breathed the clean cool 
    mountain air like drinking the chilled Alsace wine on a summer day. Night 
    was upon us, while I saw the nearest and most beautiful sky of my life. 
    Going downhill was steep, sometimes as if going down a straight wall. The 
    horses’ knees were shaking. As our friends and guides had advised, we were 
    leaning back almost on the tail of the animal, contrary to the position 
    while climbing the mountain. It took us one hour and a half to descend.
 
 We said goodbye to the friend who had provided the horses; petted the 
    animals, our dearest and closest friends for so many hours. I never had a 
    pet of my own. My mother fed the cats, the dogs and the pigeons, but did 
    not let them inside the house. After my mother passed on, for two years I 
    lived alone. I was home only to sleep and did not have time to think of a 
    pet. My wife is friendly with domestic animals from a distance. But on that 
    day I discovered how animals and humans could become so closely related 
    until death. At the foot of the mountain there was a house consisting 
    mostly of a large room serving as the guesthouse of the village headman. It 
    was a resting place for the smugglers crossing the mountain. Rollaway 
    sleeping covers served as backrests lined up around the room. We were 
    offered the place of honor. There were some twenty people sitting around. 
    We had seen some of them with their load of wool overtaking us during the 
    climb. Apparently they did not stop to rest their horses.
 
 The windows were closed, perhaps not have been opened all winter long. I 
    opened the window above my head. In prison I was in charge of cleaning the 
    restrooms. I taught the prison guards how to use and clean the modern 
    facilities. Once I disinfected the whole area. A few minutes after I opened 
    the window to let in the cool spring air of the mountain region, protesting 
    murmurs started from those present. I recited a couplet from the our poet 
    Molavi, Mevlana in Turkish, who is a revered poet and saint among the Turks 
    and asked the guide to translate. The poem roughly reads, “The Prophet told 
    his esteemed disciples/ Don’t cover your body from the spring air. ‘Cause 
    it will do your body and soul/ what it does to the leaves of the trees.” 
    They gave in reluctantly; the combination of Mevlana and Mohamad proved 
    irresistible. Fully clothed, I stretched out on a cover-comforter that 
    perhaps had never been washed. I must have slept some. To avoid using the 
    “restrooms” I did not eat.
 
 The guide supplied us with a car and we went to the city of Van. We stayed 
    at an inn, similar to a place in Kerman where I had been trapped for a few 
    hours some twenty years earlier. It was unbearable. We said goodby to the 
    guide that by this time had become a good friend. He had stood by all his 
    promises. We took a taxi to reach Diyar-e Bakr. From the frontier onward, 
    several times the Turkish gendarmes stopped and looked over our passports. 
    The closest road to Ankara was through Arzerum. But I wanted to have a 
    historical site seeing. We chose the long way to Diyar-e Bakr, the ancient 
    Amed, which was renowned for its impenetrable walls. Amed had twice 
    withstood the forces of Shapour II, the Sassanian emperor. I wanted to look 
    at the River Tigris from the still formidable remnants of the mighty walls. 
    Mr. Lajevardian, a most accommodating fellow traveler, agreed with my 
    passing fancy. After two thousand years we were in the same place where the 
    Roman archers shot their many arrows at the elderly King of Kings, who 
    wanted to have a closer look at the famous walls. He did not fear the 
    archers, as his officers threw away the arrows with their skillful 
    sword-play. In Diyar-e Bakr we finally managed to have a shower after three 
    days.
 
 At the hotel I was able to call my wife and speak to her after such a long 
    time. Later I learned how she had received the news. I do not believe in 
    fortune telling, but this time it involves a very surprising coincidence. 
    The day I left Tehran my wife and our younger daughter were attending the 
    Cannes Film Festival. At luncheon on that day Mrs. Farah Nikbin had read 
    cards for my wife and told her that I would arrive within a week. My wife 
    had called my father immediately. He had answered, “Where have you been? We 
    can’t find anyone at home? We have sent the package.” My wife and daughter 
    managed to get tickets back to Paris. Surprisingly enough I arrived in a 
    week. I have repeated the story to a party of friends in Stockholm in Mrs. 
    Nikbin’s presence a few years ago. 
 
 It took two days to reach Ankara from Diyar-e Bakr. We stayed at the Grand 
    Hotel that I knew well, having stayed there many times before. As soon as I 
    registered I was surprised to be informed by the clerk that the President 
    of Turkey was expecting my call. Mr. Ehsan Sabri Chaglyangil was acting 
    president at the time. Two years ago as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, he 
    had hosted a reception for my wife and me. He had become a very close 
    friend with my wife’s brother, Mr. Ardeshir Zahedi, from the time that my 
    brother in law was Foreign Minister and later Ambassador to the United 
    States. It was the kind of friendship that Mr. Zahedi is famous for 
    establishing and nurturing, both at a personal level and to promote Iran’s 
    interests – friendships that he cultivates with great expenses in money and 
    time even today. I asked the hotel employee for a one-hour dry cleaning 
    service for my one and only suit. A car came for me to go and see the 
    President. Afterwards I met Mr. Suleyman Demirel who became the president 
    later. I also had several talk with the President’s advisor whom I had met 
    from my previous trip. Mr. Chaglyangil told me that the Turkish Security 
    Service recognized me from my passport the moment I stepped on the soil of 
    Turkey. After the phone call from my brother-in-law, by the order of the 
    President the security followed me every step of the way, relaying the news 
    to Mr. Zahedi and on to my wife.
 
 Speaking with the authorities in Turkey I told them that the regime was in 
    Iran to stay for the time being. There was no alternative for the Turks but 
    to establish relations with them. Some day the regime will come down since 
    the people are not for it as much. Meanwhile Turkey has to help the people 
    of Iran who seek asylum as much as possible. Both leaders of Turkey 
    conveyed their best wishes for the Shah, which I sent through my 
    brother-in-law. 
 
 The help came for Mr. Lajevardian and me anyway. A single transit pass was 
    issued for us. The French Embassy gave me a visa. My friend wanting to go 
    to United States, stayed ten more days in Ankara. I finished my visiting 
    and proceeded to Istanbul where Mr. Shokrai and his wife, the daughter of 
    the President, lived. They were so kind. We went to a football game. Our 
    picture was in the paper. This was my last experience with the world of 
    high politics and its rewards. I had to get used to life in exile. I did 
    not know what to do or what was going to happen. My experience and 
    education was geared for work in Iran. I was not ready to take orders. I 
    had hardly any savings. In the first place I had to organize my thoughts, 
    and write. I wanted to live the life of mind. In all I counted on the solid 
    character and high spiritual and ethical standards of my wife.
 
 I had an unknown sense that better times were to come. My dis- advantages 
    would be compensated with being able to express myself with greater 
    freedom. I was optimistic for my future and felt well towards the people in 
    general. During that exceptionally tough 15 months no one had betrayed me 
    or disappointed me. Anybody I trusted, ended up to be trustworthy. Whatever 
    I requested from anyone, he put himself and his family on the line for me. 
    I have heard many stories about the disloyalty and treachery from friends, 
    servants, colleagues, and smugglers during the Revolutionary times, but I 
    did not experience any, not even once. And the Iranian people in general, 
    If they had started to recover from their spell of madness and suicide, I 
    could again pin my hopes on them too.
 
 I bought a ticket with what money left that I had managed to conceal from 
    the greedy eyes of Pasdaran and the Committeeman. At the airport my wife 
    did not recognize me at first, with the beard and the eyeglass. I don’t 
    know if it was her excitement or my changed looks?
 
 Translated from the Persian
 By Nayer M. Glenn Easter (April) 02
 Publication in Persian 
    (زندگی پس از مردن پيش از مرگ)Ketab Corporation
 1419 Westwood Boulevard
 Los Angeles, CA 90024, USA
 
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